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CUBAN INDEPENDENCE. 



SPEECH 



HON. DAVID TURPIB, 



OF INDIANA, 



SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, 



TUESDAY, APRIL 5, 189S. 



WASHINGTON. 
1898. 



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SPEECH 

OF 

HOIST. DAVID TURPIE. 



The Senate having under consideration the following resolution: 
Resolved, That the Committee on Foreign Relations of this body be directed 
to report at tbe earliest practicable moment, and without waiting for the 
concurrence or advice of any department of tbe Government, what action, 
if any, in view of the loss of the battle ship Maine, and the destruction of the 
lives of 266 American sailors, and in view of the well-known deplorable con- 
dition of affairs in the Island of Cuba, is required from the Congress of tho 
United States to sustain and vindicate the honor and dignity of "this nation, 
and to meet and answer the obligations of humanity imposed on this Gov- 
ernment as the result of the condition of affairs in said island, and that said 
committee report by bill, resolution, or otherwise, as it may deem most ex- 
pedient — 

Mr. TURPIE said: 

Mr. President: I have great regard for the continuity and 
consistency of public • action and of niy own conduct in par- 
ticipating therein. I voted more than two years ago for the ac- 
knowledgment of belligerency to the Cuban insurgents. More 
than a year ago I voted for and addressed the Senate in favor of 
the recognition of the independence of the Cuban Republic. This 
morning I am of the opinion in respect to our relations with the 
Kingdom of Spain and its former dependency, the Island of Cuba, 
that the consecutive steps of belligerency, recognition, and inter- 
vention, heretofore forborne by the United States, ought now be 
massed at once and taken together as the only reparation for the 
wrongs inflicted upon this Government and upon mankind by the 
offenses of the Spanish monarchy. 

We are now witnessing the fourteenth year of the war for 
Cuban independence, for it must be recollected that this war 
was begun in 1S68 and lasted ten years. The truce which then 
took place did not occur by reason of the defeat of the revolution, 
or, in other words, by the suppression of the rebellion, or by the 
surrender of the Cuban armies, or the cessation of armed resistance 
against the Spanish Government. 

The pacification of the treaty of Zanjon occurred by reason of a 
mutual agreement between the authorities of the Cuban Republic 
of that time and those of the Spanish Government upon the Island 
of Cuba, by which, under the terms of the treaty then made, it 
was solemnly agreed by Spain that within ten years— along time, 
a very long time — that within ten years, such period being given 
wherein to carry out the promised reforms, there should be sub- 
stantial self-government and local autonomy for the Cuban people 
established in that island, and that African slavery in the island 
should be abolished. Those were the principal provisions of the 
treaty of pacification made at Zanjon in the winter of 1878 at the 
conclusion of the first period of the war for Cuban independence. 
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During the whole ten years afterwards no step was taken in exe- 
cution of this mutual convention, except one — the abolition of 
slavery; and that was only taken in 1884, after an intimation from 
the Government of the United States and certain European pow- 
ers that that part of the convention of Zanjon must be complied 
with and executed. 

It was under that mediation that slavery was abolished in the 
Island of Cuba. That is the only provision of the compact which 
was undertaken and carried out by the Spanish Government. 
Every other was delayed and postponed. It was said by the royal 
authorities, " We have not had time. We have had a variety of 
interests to confer about. We have had great questions in the 
island to consider. Give us yet more time beyond the limit of ten 
years." Seven years were not granted; but seven years were 
taken by the royal authority, by the Spanish Government, by the 
cabinet at Madrid, to carry out the remaining stipulations of the 
treaty of pacification at Zanjon, and seven years were taken in 
vain. 

No other action was taken by the Spanish Government. The 
same absolute oppression, the same exclusion of Cubans from all 
offices of trust and profit, the same exclusive Spanish control of 
courts, the same denial to the Cubans of justice in those courts, 
the same oppressive system of taxation more severe than under 
any civilized Christian government in the world, was continued 
up to the last moment of the seven years, when the second period 
of the war for Cuban independence became flagrant, the second 
period of the same war waged for the same reasons, largely be- 
tween the same persons, making now the fourteenth year of that 
struggle. 

Mr. President, the lapse of time, and the lapse of time alone, 
emphasizes the duty of the American Congress to intervene, and 
to intervene in such a manner as to make the pacification of Zan- 
jon a fact accomplished, and to declare and maintain the inde- 
pendence of the Republic of Cuba. For Spain was to forfeit her 
sovereignty if she made default in this treaty. There is now a 
republican government in that island. It has maintained itself 
for fourteen years in arms. It has an active corps of 35,000 men, 
well armed, drilled, and equipped. It has another corps of the 
same number, 35,000 men, equipped and drilled, liable at a mo- 
ment's call under the command of their president, but not armed 
by reason of the want of guns and ammunition, the result of that 
blockade which we have hitherto maintained in the interest of 
Spain, creating an embargo against the revolutionists. 

For the maintenance of the authority of the republic — a gov- 
ernment with a president and cabinet like our own, a govern- 
ment with a well-established revenue, a government with courts 
having civil and criminal jurisdiction, a government having a sys- 
tem of taxation, a postal system, and every other element of civil 
national life — that government, sir, ought to be immediately rec- 
ognized. 

Mr. President, we have not only had this long- continued war 
and this maintenance of the Republic of Cuba, bnt we have had 
upon our side the same prolonged continuance of efforts in aid of 
what are called our own neutrality laws. It has cost us millions 
of money to take and maintain the position of neutrality; it has 
cost us millions to shut away from the armies of the Republic of 
Cuba the supplies of ammunition which might perhaps have ended 
this struggle before now if we had not observed this neutrality. 
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Again, sir, we have during this long period, during ths whole 
fourteen years, been subjected to indignities, insults, and outrages 
upon American property and upon American persons which, had 
they not been committed in the name of a friendly Government, had 
they not been committed under the auspices nominally of a Gov- 
ernment with which we were in amity, would have been in them- 
selves cause for armed intervention at our hands. 
: Above all, sir, during these last twelve months wherein events 
have quickened, the scenes in the drama of the Cuban revolution 
have changed and shifted rapidly. The cruel policy of concen- 
tration — determined, avowed, deliberately planned and executed 
by the home Government of Spain— has been pursued against the 
people of Cuba. 

We have seen 400,000 of those people driven from their homes, 
placed between the double dead line of the bayonet on one side 
and famine on the other. Heretofore we have read of revolutions, 
of the French Revolution, the guillotine, and the Reign of Terror, 
but in the Cuban revolution we have had the reign of death for 
twelve months — death by famine, involving the slowest, the most 
lingering, the most excruciating tortures known to human suf- 
fering and mortality. 

Two hundred thousand have perished for the want of the nec- 
essaries to the maintenance of life. They have perished by reason 
of hunger. "Give us this day our daily bread." Such is the 
prayer of humanity to the All Father of the world, and He has 
never wearied in granting food to His children. It is only the 
evil genius of the Spanish monarchy which would dare to deny 
men, women, and children — which would dare to deny to child- 
hood, to motherhood — the bare necessaries of life. It is only the 
Moloch of the Spanish monarchy which dared to say, "Suffer the 
little children to come unto me, that I may slay and devour them." 

This policy of concentration, sir, contrary to Christianity, con- 
trary to the law of nations, contrary to the rules of civilized war- 
fare, a crime against the human race, has characterized this period 
of twelve months. I feel very certain in saying beyond all con- 
tradiction that if Spain were now to attempt to enter upon any 
island or any portion of this hemisphere and found a new colony, 
with the view of governing it under her sovereignty anddominion, 
the whole people of the United States would rise as they did in the 
case of Venezuela to support the President against that attempt; 
and I do not see that there is any difference in principle between 
allowing the Spanish monarchy to repeople the desert wild which 
it has made in the Island of Cuba with a new population and the 
founding of a new colony elsewhere upon this continent. It is 
dangerous to our peace and safety; it is a gross and unjustifiable 
violation of the Monroe doctrine; it is much more without excuse, 
much more without justification, than the action of Great Britain 
with respect to the Venezuelan frontier. 

Besides this general course of events, marked with so much 
horror and barbarity, there are particular incidents which accent- 
uate the demand that we shall heed the voice of our neighboring 
republic and the voice of humanity, asking us to come over and 
help them, to rescue them from this impending ruin. 

There is what is called the De Lome affair, the affair of the 
Spanish minister— De Lome, a typical representative of that pol- 
ished address and duplicity which have marked Spanish diplo- 
macy in every era of the world, a typical representative of that 
• 331 



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accomplished hypocrisy which can meet its victim smiling in the 
face and behind his back with jeer, sneer, and hisses. 

With what a serious and earnest air the late Spanish minister 
approached the President of the United States and the Secretary 
of State to lay before him the papers and to explain to them in 
detail the system of Spanish autonomy for the future government 
of the Island of Cuba! Yet at the same time that accomplished 
emissary was turning his head over his shoulder saying to his 
friends in old Spain: " This autonomy; it is a game, it is a ruse, it 
is chaff, thin, worthless chaff; good enough to give to the people 
and to the President of the United States." 

But the mask was torn from his face. The features of this hypo- 
crite were revealed in all their native deception and deformity. 
Then he made his exit. Then he took his departure. But, sir, 
his resignation was accepted by the Spanish Government. He 
was subject to no reprimand or reproof. He is yet persona grata 
in the court of the Queen Regent at Madrid, with a deliberate 
insult to the Government and people of the United States, an 
insult avowed and countenanced by the Government which sent 
him here as its representative, witnessed by his presence. 

Then, again, we have what is called the incident of the Maine, 
the instant and stealthy destruction of a public war vessel of the 
United States upon a peaceable and not unusual visit to the har- 
bor of Havana, the harbor of Havana and the whole island being 
at the time under the most rigid martial law which has ever been 
proclaimed in any part of Christendom. Sir, that destruction, 
that deplorable loss, occurred without the slightest precaution 
having been taken by the Spanish authorities to prevent it, and 
without any effort to detect or to discover the actors in the crime 
after its accomplishment. 

If I recollect aright, sir, the destruction of the Maine occurred 
during the regime of autonomy. The system of Spanish autonomy 
in Cuba had been inducted, inaugurated, and was in full opera- 
tion at the time of the destruction of the Maine and the loss of 
the gallant men who perished with her. We are told that the 
colonial and royal officials attended the burial of the victim mar- 
tyrs of the Maine. Were they real mourners? 

Yes, Mr. President, as real as De Lome, as sincere as the Span- 
ish minister. The crape they wore hid a secret, as the waters of 
Havana Bay hid the mine and wire that wrecked the Maine and 
her murdered crew. Here are insults, here are incidents and in- 
juries which can not be repaired except upon such conditions as 
that they never can occur again, such conditions as shall forever 
place the harbor of Havana and Cuba, with all its land and waters, 
beyond the control and dominion of the Spanish Crown. 

Sir, there may be the acknowledgment of the independence of 
the Cuban Republic; there may be armed intervention and still be 
no war, and yet be preservation of peace. It rests with Spain. 
We say to her, whether we declare it in one way or another, 
" Surrender Cuba; withdraw your naval and military forces; de- 
part in peace." Spain has not earned that; is scarcely worthy of 
it. She asks us, "What are you willing to sacrifice for peace; 
what are you willing to sacrifice for Cuban independence?" 
' ' We have given up the Maine; we have given up the slaugh- 
tered heroes who once trod her decks — all these are martyrs, glori- 
ous martyrs, in that cause— if you will depart in peace;" for I 
believe that the loss of Havana and Cuba would be a stroke of 
such serious detriment to the purse, pride, and power of the 

3201 



Spanish, monarchy that we might be willing to consider it as a 
reparation for the wrongs and losses which it has inflicted upon 
the Government and people of the United States. But I would 
have no other reparation. 

So, then, there is that day of repentance, there is that alterna- 
tive of peace, and it may be that Spain's last thoughts about Cuba 
shall be her best, for it is to her a very grave alternative. The 
Spanish monarchy has in that island and the subjects who have 
acknowledged and supported it, millions of credits depending 
upon this determination. 

The Spanish monarchy has millions of movable property the 
value of which depends upon this determination. The Spanish 
monarchy has archives, records of courts, of deeds, of convey- 
ances, worth an immeasurable sum, the custody of which depends 
upon the decision of that alternative. It does bring the cabinet 
at Madrid to consider, and to consider upon great grounds, the 
difference between a peaceable departure and surrender of her 
ancient possessions in this hemisphere and a militaiw capitulation 
at the end of the war. It does present a great alternative. 

Sir, in the old times, from 1861 to 1865, there used to be a great 
deal of discussion— I have heard it in this Chamber — as to what 
was the cause of the war. I think there was a unanimous conclu- 
sion upon our side that slavery, if not the cause of the war, was 
so nearly related to and so closely connected with it that peace 
could never be established without its final extinction and abol- 
ishment. What is the cause of the war now pending in the Island 
of Cuba? What shall be the cause of the war anticipated between 
the United States and Spain? 

There is only one cause. That is the assertion and maintenance 
of the right of the Spanish Crown to its sovereignty and dominion 
in the Island of Cuba. That is the cause, and until that dominion 
and sovereignty of Spain in the Island of Cuba are extinguished, 
obliterated, there will be no peace; there can be no peace; there 
should be no peace. It is upon that alternative, and only that, 
that peace may come, in my judgment; may lawfully, righteously 
come to us as well as to them. The abandonment by Spain of her 
government in the island, with all its appended military and 
naval forces, is the only thing which can give us indemnity for 
the past and security for the future. 
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